Can you get citizenship through marriage in Sweden?

Sweden is home to the beautiful southern archipelago, fika breaks and some of the fastest Internet speeds in the World. Thanks to the many perks that Swedes enjoy, from five weeks of paid vacation to 480 days of parental leave to universal healthcare to one of the world’s best public transportation systems, it’s not uncommon for expats to wonder how best to extend their stay.

Whether you’re looking for a new job, founding a company or are just hoping to find a change of pace in the Nordic country, you may be interested in learning what’s involved in becoming a Swedish citizen. This guide will walk you through the most important points and steps for acquiring your Swedish citizenship.

How long does it take to get citizenship after marriage in Sweden?

What is the easiest way to get Swedish citizenship?

As mentioned at the beginning of this article, living in Sweden for a minimum period of 5 years based on a permanent residence permit is the main legal requirement for obtaining passport. Apart from that, here are the other criteria under which the immigration authority will consider your application:

to be at least 18 of age when filing for citizenship;
having led a peaceful life in Sweden and respecting the local regulations;
possess a valid Swedish permanent residence permit, be an EU citizen or a close relative of an EU citizen and possess the right of residence or a residence card at the moment of the application.

If you need assistance in submitting your application for a Swedish passport, do not hesitate to request our immigration services.

Can I move to Sweden if I marry a Swede?

If you are granted a residence permit, you will receive a residence permit card. This card is proof that you have a residence permit.

If you need a visa to enter Sweden If you need a visa to enter Sweden, the card is ordered automatically if you have already been photographed and fingerprinted. If you have not been photographed and fingerprinted, you should visit the embassy. Book your time over the phone. It can take up to eight weeks for the residence permit card to be made and delivered to the embassy.

If you do not need a visa to enter Sweden If you have been granted a residence permit and do not require a visa, you travel to Sweden and arrange for the card there. Bring a copy of the decision to show at the border. Contact the Swedish Migration Agency to have your photograph and fingerprints taken. When your residence permit card is ready it will be sent to your address in Sweden.

Will I become a citizen if I marry my boyfriend?

In a Nutshell

Congratulations on finding your life partner! Now is the time to figure out the logistics of getting married to your U.S. citizen spouse. This article explains how you and your spouse can live permanently in the United States. A marriage green card allows the spouse of a U.S. citizen to live and work anywhere in the United States. The article also explains the visa considerations to bear in mind when deciding whether to get married in the United States or abroad.

What are the benefits of marriage in Sweden?

Marriage is an institution that has become optional for many. This study investigates how decisions are taken regarding marriage among Swedish cohabiting couples in the twenty-first century, specifically focusing on whose intentions to marry are most decisive. We use the Young Adult Panel Study conducted in 2009 with augmented register data for 2009–2014 in order to observe both partners’ intentions and to then follow up on which couples ultimately married. The study finds that women’s and men’s intentions to marry seem to be equally important, but that there are gendered differences by educational level: women’s intentions carry more weight among highly educated couples, while men’s intentions carry more weight among lower educated couples.

Marriage is still a major life transition for many young couples, but it is today more optional than it has ever been. Pressure to marry is certainly lighter than before, and many of marriage’s legal and formal differences from cohabitation are declining. In most Western countries, the normative expectation among young adults to marry is declining (Duncan, Barlow, & James, 2005; Hiekel & Keizer, 2015; Jamieson et al., 2002; Ohlsson-Wijk, Brandén, & Duvander, 2018), but this has not meant that marriage is disappearing as an important union form; in fact, marriage rates in the Nordic countries have increased in recent years (Ohlsson-Wijk, 2011). Decisions regarding whether or not to marry are still made; in this study, we investigate which partner is most influential in these decisions. We investigate marriage intentions and behaviour in Sweden, a country often noted as a forerunner in the second demographic transition away from tradition and towards more secular and individualistic norms and behaviour (Moors & Bernhardt, 2009; Lesthaeghe, 2010). Since the 1960s, marriage has been on the decline as a prerequisite to family building in Sweden, a trend initiated by women and men with less education and fewer economic means to protect (Andersson, 1998; Bernhardt & Hoem, 1985; Ohlsson-Wijk, 2011). Nevertheless, it has not disappeared as an important form of union and is still related to childbearing (Bracher & Santow, 1998; Kolk & Andersson, 2020).

Qualitative studies from various Western countries provide insights into the meaning of marriage today, indicating that cohabitation is the default situation, and that boundaries are blurred between cohabitation and marriage (Jamieson et al., 2002). Some consider this “do-it-yourself marriage”, a concept that may be imbued by individuals with a variety of meanings (Duncan et al., 2005). Nevertheless, the security and stability of marriage are still emphasized, particularly with regard to children and the event of separation (Hiekel & Keizer, 2015). Some may also be resistant to marry due to being critical of the institution itself or because it may alter their union in negative ways (Hatch, 2017). A better understanding of how decisions to marry are made will increase knowledge regarding present perceptions of a traditional institution. In short, for whom is marriage important today?

One partner’s intentions may weigh more heavily than those of the other depending on power relations in the union. Such power relations may be based on relative resources, but also on less overt forms of power rooted in gendered and cultural expectations. In this study, we investigate both partners’ marriage intentions in 2009 and follow them for 5 years to see which couples ultimately married. We achieved this by connecting survey data to a follow-up in administrative marriage registers.

In most cases, partners agree in their intentions to marry, but when they do not, the question is which partner’s plans prove most important. We are interested in the decision to marry and whose plans or intentions are decisive for cohabiting couples. In line with theories of power stemming from relative resources in the household, one would expect that the individual with superior resources will have more to say about marriage decisions, just like they will also have more to say about how household tasks are divided (Blood & Wolfe, 1960; Evertsson & Nermo, 2004; Sullivan & Gershuny, 2016). However, the way in which relative resources are defined may be crucial: for instance, one study from the Czech Republic noted that the use of relative educational level and income as indicators may have yielded inconsistent results (Hamplová, Chaloupková, & Topinková, 2019). Relative income is more of a direct measure, while relative education can be seen as including prospects of resources, perhaps more important for a long-term decision such as marriage. It is therefore likely that the partner with higher education in a couple has a stronger say on whether to marry or not, and that relative education is a better measure than relative income for this kind of decision.

Traditionally, women were more protected in marriage than today because they were economically dependent on their partner. However, in a society in which both partners are or will be active in the labor market and in which there is no alimony after a separation, there are virtually no obvious gendered reasons for women to be more eager to realize marriage plans. Nevertheless, it has repeatedly been found that the gender dimension is important for couples’ decision-making, often phrased as “doing gender”, that is, acting to sustain gender roles even when relative resources point in another direction (West & Zimmerman, 1987). One example is women earning more are doing a greater amount of household work than their male partner. Such behavior may vary by context, for example, being visible in the USA but not in Sweden (Evertsson & Nermo, 2004). Another example close at hand is the choice of name after marriage in Finland, where subtle forms of patriarchy continue to shape the decision-making process (Castrén, 2019). In addition, higher educational level is often used to indicate gender-equal attitudes and leads to more equal sharing, for example, through parental leave in Germany (Geisler & Kreyenfeld, 2011). We may therefore expect that couples with lower education are the ones who tend to adhere to “gendered decision making.” Similarly, one may expect that among couples with high education, the intentions to marry (or not) of both partners are equally decisive. However, returning to one general explanation for the decline in marriage being a lack of “marriageable men”, that is, men with earning potential (Koball, 2004), we also have to consider the strength of intentions, or what is at stake in a marriage. One American study has indicated that when men have weaker economic prospects, the results include a potential decline in demand for marriage among women as well as among these men (Koball, 2004). Therefore, one may expect that women seek to marry highly educated men (with economic prospects), and that these men are more open to marriage than their less educated counterparts. Earlier Swedish studies indicated that the higher the education of both the man and the woman, the greater the likelihood of marriage (e.g., Duvander, 1999).

Previous research has also pointed to gendered differences in how men and women approach marriage. Research in the USA has indicated that women’s marriage intentions are declining over time and by cohort (Vespa, 2014). Wiik, Bernhardt, and Noack (2010) have found that in Scandinavia, commitment to the union is the most important factor determining women’s marriage intentions, whereas for men, commitment in combination with their own and their partner’s socioeconomic characteristics (education and income) are salient. Thus, the socioeconomic resources of each partner may be decisive, perhaps particularly for men. Cho, Cui, and Clardige (2018) used US data from the Fragile Family and Child Wellbeing Study to test whether mothers’ or fathers’ intentions to marry mattered more, the answer being the former. However, the literature is not consistent on whose intentions are more important. It is also not clear that women have a stronger say than men in carrying out marriage intentions. For example, one Swedish study has suggested that intentions certainly influence actual marriage, but that there is no significant difference between couples where only the man or only the woman intends to marry (Duvander, 2001). Inconsistency regarding who is more decisive regarding marriage is unsurprising given the changing and different meanings of marriage over time and between contexts.

This study used the Young Adult Panel Study (www.suda.su.se/yaps), which includes a nationally representative sample of men and women born in 1968, 1972, 1976, and 1980. There were panels in 1999, 2002, and 2009 in which respondents received postal questionnaires. This study used the 2009 wave and additionally included information on the co-residential partner of the main respondent. The main respondent was thus between 29 and 40 years old. The response rate was 56%. Seventy-one percent of the co-resident partners of the main respondents responded to a questionnaire with very similar content. The questionnaire included major demographic events, such as children’s births, work, and partner histories as well as retrospective questions on childhood circumstances and parental characteristics. The questionnaire also contained a large set of questions on values, attitudes, and intentions, such as regarding marriage and divorce/separation. In total, 1079 cohabiting or marital couples participated in the 2009 wave, making it possible to execute couple-level analyses on a wide range of topics.

Given that this study focused on opposite-sex couples’ marital behavior, we derived a subsample consisting of 521 cohabiting couples from the 2009 wave. We excluded all cohabiting same-sex couples (n 14) as our focus was on gendered decisions; hence, the analytical subsample included 507 non-married cohabiting opposite-sex couples. The data were supplemented with register data on the vital demographic events of the main respondent, i.e., dates of marriages, divorces, and children born up to 31 December 2014. This approach enabled analyses of marriage propensities after survey participation during the follow-up period. We followed respondents in cohabiting couples over time to analyze their marriage intentions using register data records of the date of marriage over the 2009–2014 period by employing logistic regression analysis in which the outcome was marriage (yes/no). The regression models estimated the probability of getting married by couples’ marital intentions, controlling for relative educational level, women’s age, parental status, and duration of union over the 2009–2014 period. In separate models, we also controlled for childbearing plans and marriage attitudes. In total, 201 respondents in cohabiting couples married over this period.

The variable measuring couples’ marital intentions was based on two identical questions, one asked to the main respondent and the other to the partner: Do you and your partner plan to get married? The answer alternatives were (1) yes, within the next 2 years; (2) yes, but later; (3) I would like to, but my partner would not; (4) my partner would like to, but I would not; (5) no, we do not have intentions to get married; and (6) do not know. The created variable comprised four categories: (1) Both partners want to get married; (2) Woman wants to get married but man does not; (3) Man wants to get married but woman does not; and (4) Both partners do not want to get married (including “Do not know”/”Missing”). Table 1 displays the cross-tabulation of women’s and men’s marital intentions and indicates that the vast majority of the couples had harmonized answers. A total of 45% of the couples agreed to marry within 2 years or later (228 couples), and 15% agreed that they did not intend to get married. Only 5% agreed on only one partner wanting to marry. Hence, for most couples, coding the combination variable was not problematic because the partners’ answers were not conflicting. To categorize the 136 couples who reported conflicting answers, we had to make some additional considerations. As an overruling principle, the ego’s answer ruled out the partner’s answer, meaning that what a person stated about him- or herself was considered truer than the partner’s statement. Table 5 in the Appendix shows the coding schema for couple’s marital intentions.

Which EU country is the easiest to get citizenship in?

There is no single “easy” route to obtaining European citizenship, as the requirements and processes vary greatly between countries and circumstances. In general, there are several ways that you can become a citizen of a European country.

Most European countries follow jus sanguinis (Latin for “right of blood”), a legal principle used in many countries to determine citizenship based on the citizenship or nationality of one’s parents or ancestors.

Other potential routes to European citizenship include birth (depending on parents’ status), marriage, and naturalization. There is the possibility of claiming European citizenship by investment.

European citizenship is incredibly sought after. The word “easy” can be subjective, but the team at Global Residence Index will help you find out the easiest country to get citizenship in Europe.

How fast can you get Swedish citizenship?

Yes and no. When the Queen mother died back in 2002 she left more money to Harry, knowing that William would eventually become Prince and inherit the Duchy of Cornwall, a private estate valued at over $1 billion.

Which is exactly what happened when Queen Elizabeth passed away in 2022. So overall, Willian inherited quite a bit more than Harry.

Which European country is easiest to get citizenship?

Basic language skills and at least five years of residence in Portugal are required to become Portuguese. You’ll also need to bring your passport, birth certificate, a list of prior nations you’ve lived in, and a criminal record certificate with no significant offences. What make Portugal the easiest country in Europe to gain citizenship is that there are no physical presence requirements. Meaning you only need to hold your resident permit in order to qualify for naturalization. You don’t need to spend most of the year in the country like most other countries. But if your resident permit requires you to spend most of the year in the country to maintain its validity than you are forced to. This is why so many choose the Portugal Golden Visa, with an investment of at least 280,000 Euro in the country, you gain a 5-year resident permit with very little minimum stay requirements. Application Fee: €200 Length of time living in country: 5 years Language level needed: A2 Portuguese Dual nationality allowed: Yes.

Ireland has had a unique status as the only nationality with the automatic ability to live and work freely in both the UK and the EU since the end of the Brexit transition period in January 2021. Anyone born in Northern Ireland to British or Irish parents is entitled to both a UK and an Irish passport, allowing them to apply for EU citizenship automatically. In the same way that Italy has an ancestral road to citizenship, persons having Irish parents or grandparents are entitled to an Irish passport in most cases. For everyone else, the process of becoming Irish is rather simple, requiring only five years of residence. However, the cost of acquiring a certificate of naturalization is prohibitively expensive, so you may want to postpone the process until you have some extra income. In many cases, even for ancestry, you will need to gain residency first. The Ireland Immigrant Investor Programme offers the flexibility that other Irish residency programs do not offer. Application Fee: €175 on application, €950 if approved Length of time living in country: 5 years Language level needed: None Dual nationality allowed: Yes.

Sweden has some of the most permissive citizenship regulations in Europe, with no language requirements for new Swedes and only a five-year residency time required to become a Swedish citizen. This can be reduced even further to only three years for anyone who has been married or cohabiting with a Swedish spouse for at least two years, albeit you will be requested to demonstrate that you have adapted successfully to Swedish life (through learning the language, for example, but you could also prove this by showing you can support yourself or through the length of your marriage). Other Nordic citizens can also benefit from a streamlined procedure.

You should also be aware that while brief visits overseas are permissible, spending more than six weeks abroad in any given year may delay the time until you can apply for citizenship. Furthermore, only time spent in Sweden while holding a valid residence permit (for non-EU residents) counts toward your residence; if you arrived without one and later obtained one, this initial amount of time will be ignored.

While Swedish language skills are not currently required for citizenship, this may change in the future: the Swedish Ministry of Justice and Migration proposed in January 2021 to introduce an A2 language exam for would-be Swedes, with exceptions for vulnerable people who have made a reasonable effort to learn the language. These plans will go through a lengthy political process before becoming legislation, so for the time being, all you need to verify is your identity, length of residency in Sweden, and the absence of any severe criminal offences or debts.

What is the 6 month rule in Sweden?

In the U.S., you can apply for/renew a passport or a national ID card at the Embassy of Sweden in Washington DC, or at the Consulate General in New York.

Please note that a verification of Swedish citizenship is conducted every time you apply for a passport. The instructions on this website apply regardless if you apply for a passport for the first time of if you are renewing an existing passport.

Can I bring my wife to Sweden permanently?

If you are a citizen of a country outside the EU and want to move to a family member in Sweden, you will need a residence permit. You may be granted a residence permit if you are married, have entered into a partnership, or have been cohabiting with someone who now lives in Sweden.

The family member in Sweden must be a Swedish citizen, have a permanent residence permit, a right of permanent residence, a permanent residence card or have a temporary residence permit as a refugee or person in need of subsidiary protection, on the grounds of impediments to enforcement or exceptionally distressing circumstances.

Both you and your family member must be over 18 years of age in order for you to be able to obtain a residence permit in Sweden.

What happens when you marry a citizen?

Establishing permanent residency is the first step to acquiring U.S. citizenship by marriage. The Permanent Resident Card, also known as Form I-551 or a “green card,” provides proof that you are a permanent resident of the United States and is granted by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS).

How long do marriages last in Sweden?

In Sweden, progressive gender dynamics can lead immigrant women to leave their husbands and become independent.

STOCKHOLM—Sweden has the reputation of being one of the best countries in the world for gender equality. The women’s employment rate in Sweden is the highest in the European Union, and is nearly equal to the men’s employment rate. Nearly 90 percent of Swedish fathers take paternity leave—it is not unusual to see men pushing baby carriages alone in the city.

What is the hardest citizenship to get in Europe?

Spain granted the highest number of new citizenships in 2021, welcoming 144,800 new residents.

The country was closely followed by France and Germany (130,000 new citizens each), Italy (121,500) and Sweden (89,400).

Becoming a citizen can be a long and arduous process - but it’s not equally difficult across the bloc.

What is the fastest citizenship in the EU?

You can obtain European citizenship in one of three ways as listed below:

By descent – if you have a family member that can pass on EU citizenship to you.
By naturalization – if you lived and worked long enough in an EU country to qualify for citizenship.
By investment – if you have enough money to invest in an EU country and receive citizenship.

To obtain EU citizenship by descent, you must have an ancestor—usually, a parent— born in the EU. But, depending on which country you apply for citizenship, you may meet the eligibility criteria even if you have grandparents or great-grandparents who were EU citizens.

European citizenship through ancestry is one of the easiest and cheapest ways to obtain a passport in the EU— provided that you qualify for this option. In order to pass citizenship to you, your ancestors (parents, grandparents, etc.) must not have lost or forfeited their nationality. They must still be entitled to it, even if they do not live in the EU.

Can I apply for Swedish citizenship if I live in Sweden?

When you have lived in Sweden for several years, you may apply for Swedish citizenship. Read more here about how to apply for yourself and on behalf of your children. Do you want to help us improve the Migration Agency's website?

What if a mother is not a Swedish citizen?

If the mother is not a Swedish citizen she must be married to the father who must be a Swedish citizen If the mother is not Swedish and unmarried, the father must be a Swedish citizen and the child must be born in Sweden Since , children below the age of 12 years legally adopted by Swedish parents get automatic citizenship.

Who can get Swedish citizenship if a child is adopted?

Since , children below the age of 12 years legally adopted by Swedish parents get automatic citizenship. 2. Citizenship to Citizens of Certain Countries This citizenship route is available to citizens of certain countries. Eligibility criteria are as follows: The applicant must be a citizen of Norway, Denmark, Finland or Iceland

How do I get a Swedish passport?

Only Swedish citizens are allowed to carry Swedish passports. As such, you must have your citizenship certificate before you apply for your passport. Once you have your citizenship, assuming you’re at least 18 years old you may apply for your passport at the polisen (police) passport office or your local Swedish consulate.

Can I get Swedish citizenship if I marry a Swedish citizen?

Alternatively, you can obtain Swedish citizenship through marriage. If you marry a Swedish citizen, you may apply for your Swedish citizenship after your 10th year of marriage. If you don’t qualify for legitimization, notification or citizenship through marriage, all isn't lost though.

Can children automatically become Swedish citizens?

Here is information on children who can automatically become Swedish citizens through birth, adoption or their parents getting married. If children do not obtain citizenship automatically, there may be a possibility to apply for Swedish citizenship.

What are the eligibility criteria for Swedish citizenship?

Eligibility criteria are as follows: The applicant must be a citizen of Norway, Denmark, Finland or Iceland The applicant must have been living in Sweden for at least 5 years 3. Citizenship through Marriage Getting married to a Swedish citizen can make it easier to get citizenship in Sweden.

What if a mother is not a Swedish citizen?

If the mother is not a Swedish citizen she must be married to the father who must be a Swedish citizen If the mother is not Swedish and unmarried, the father must be a Swedish citizen and the child must be born in Sweden Since , children below the age of 12 years legally adopted by Swedish parents get automatic citizenship.